As a Baptist and proponent of the two-kingom model of civil engagement I believe strongly in the separation of Church and State. But I don't believe in the separation of religion and state. In fact, I don't believe in the separation of religion from anything. While there is undoubtedly a civic sphere answerable immediately to Caesar and an ecclesiastical sphere answerable immediately to Christ, there truly is “not a square inch in the whole domain of our human existence over which Christ, who is Sovereign over all, does not cry out: ‘Mine!’” (Kuyper). Everything that a person does in life is a testimony to whether or not he believes this fact, i.e., whether or not he fully embraces Christian religion. Political theory cannot be excepted from this rule.
While evangelicals have historically tended to vote as something of a conservative block, the idea of an evangelical "right" has been slowly eroding. Part of this is surely due to the fact that economic and foreign policies rather than social policies are "trending" right now. But even when one looks strictly at social concerns, the consistently evangelical right is disappearing. Two key issues seem to be feeding this trend: (1) abortion fatigue and (2) a considerable uptick in concern about social justice. About the former I can say nothing except that we simply cannot afford to become fatigued into ambivalence about the consent to and even advocacy of infanticide. I realize that in this election cycle "it's the economy, stupid." But it's hard to imagine how any issue can possibly ever eclipse mass murder of the helpless such that it becomes an ancillary issue.
But this post isn't about abortion. This post is about the second factor: social justice. The Bible is, of course, replete with divine expectations of justice, and at first blush, the political left seems far more attuned to this concern than is the political right. In fact, the genius of American political liberalism, expressed most neatly (perhaps) in John Rawls's Theory of Justice, is that the purpose of human government is to enforce "justice as fairness" in every sphere of life. To this end, society must be structured to attend to the most disadvantaged in society, irrespective (for Rawls at least) of the circumstances of their disadvantage. No greater good exists in society than equity or fairness, and the best government is the one that most successfully facilitates such fairness. In this model, the highest form of societal evil is for the socially advantaged to (1) refuse to share their wealth with the disadvantaged or to (2) discriminate in the sharing of their wealth. This is the prevailing political theory undergirding, for instance, the "Occupy" Movement.
Surely, no one wants to be perceived as an opponent of social justice. But here's the thing. Not everyone who champions social justice, and Rawls most especially, is championing the kind of social justice promoted in the Christian Scriptures. Note the following:
(1) Rawlsianism misdefines justice. The biblical concept of justice is not fairness/equity, but the establishment of moral rectitude in keeping with God's holy and revealed standard--a standard that almost immediately informs us that social welfare is not a matter of moral right, but of common grace. It is never truly deserved and is at times even inappropriate (after all, if an [able-bodied] man will not work, he should not eat--2 Thess 3:10), though select circumstances render it both appropriate and good.
(2) Rawlsianism offers an inadequate standard for justice. Rawls claims that the principles of justice are chosen from behind a "veil of ignorance," and represent the consensus of the "reasonable" from a "fair position." Of peculiar interest here is Rawls's insistence that private religion is a primary obstacle to social justice. For Rawls, the best politician is the one who can most completely excise private religion from his political theory. While Rawls is not opposed to "reasonable" religion (i.e., religion that can be normed by independent, socio-cultural standards), he sees "unreasonable" religion (which I most ardently and unapologetically practice) as one of the greatest enemies of justice. This is a serious problem for any true believer.
(3) In keeping with the previous point, Rawlsianism tends to deflect attention away from other biblically prescribed social structures such as the family and the church, vesting government with the social responsibilities that previously belonged to these other structures. As such, Rawlsianism actually tends to undermine the explicitly stated NT purposes for government, viz., to establish an environment in which "we may live peaceful and quiet lives in all godliness and holiness" (1 Tim 2:2) and to, according to divine standards of righteousness, "punish those who do wrong and to commend those who do right" (1 Pet 2:14).
(4) Rawlsianism confuses ontological equality with economic equity. While all mankind are created equally in God's image and have intrinsically identical worth (ontological equality), this does not mean that all share identity of station in life (economic equity). As nothing less than the Trinitarian arrangement informs us, there is no injustice in economic inequality. In fact, it is a necessary part of every orderly society.
(5) Finally, Rawlsianism operates on the presupposition of the goodness of man. The very idea that man can be expected to be rightly "reasonable" apart from dependence (witting or unwitting) upon the Christian worldview is absurd. Depraved man's tendency is always to exchange the truth of God for a lie.
I hasten to add here that this is not an argument for absolutely free capitalism. Untethered capitalism fares no better than Rawlsianism in the matter of depravity, creating a certain vulnerability to private oppression just as surely as Rawlsianism creates a certain vulnerability to public oppression. We cannot afford to be blind to this fact. More troubling still is libertarianism, which foolishly ignores human fallenness and pretends that government is therefore unnecessary. As Paul clearly opines, we cannot hope for moral rectitude to prevail in society without secular governors functioning (unwittingly at times) as "ministers of God for good" (Rom 13:4). Ironically, however, the presence of government, itself a manifestation of common grace, can effectively stifle other operations of common grace if it exceeds its biblical purposes.
This is by no means an argument for any particular candidate in either primary or general election. I can honestly say that I am still somewhat undecided at this point. What I am saying is that for the believer, politics cannot possibly be thought of as an activity independent of one's Christian worldview. Voting is no less a religious discipline than is preaching. And it is high time we realize it.